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NEPAD and AU Last update: 2020-11-27  
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The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) - An Initial Commentary - Ravi Kanbur


4. Comparative Advantage, Poverty and The Four Domains of Policy
 
How is one to prioritize among the large number of actions and interventions that could potentially fall under the rubric of NEPAD? This section considers two governing principles: the comparative advantage of NEPAD in carrying out specific actions, and the impact of those actions on poverty.
 
The comparative advantage of NEPAD stems directly from its origins and status as a Regional institution with roots in African democracies. These twin features determine the level at which the institution is most likely to be effective, and the issues on which it is likely to have greatest credibility. Thus issues for which an Africa wide perspective emanating from democratically elected African leaders is essential, are likely to be the issues on which NEPAD has a comparative advantage relative to the many other institutional arrangements which already exist in Africa.
 
On poverty, it is suggested here that direct versus indirect impacts of actions is a useful distinction. Relatedly, short run versus long run consequence for poverty is another useful categorization. There are many actions which reduce poverty indirectly and in the long run, as the economy as a whole develops and prospers. Infrastructure investment that promotes high technology manufacturing, is an example of this. And there are actions that can have a faster and more direct beneficial effect on the poor. Direct investment in health facilities in poor areas, or the development of an effective anti-malaria vaccine, are examples of this. There may also be tradeoffs. Actions and interventions which lead to long-term development and poverty reduction may nevertheless have short-term adverse consequences for some of the poor. Infrastructure investment like dams, or some forms of trade liberalization, provide examples of these painful tradeoffs. Everything else being equal, the position taken here is that actions which have most direct and beneficial impacts on poverty should be prioritized.
 
To illustrate the operation of these two principles, the framework can be further developed by considering four domains of the operation of policy and of its impact-Global, Regional, National and Local.
 
By the global domain is meant the constellation of policies and impacts at the level above the region, and where decisions are, or ought to be, made at the global level. Global warming, the Law of the Seas, international financial architecture, research into malaria vaccine, and WTO are examples of issues that fall under this category. The regional domain is Africa-wide. Africa's trade preferences with the EU, or Africa's response to the US African Growth and Opportunity Act, cross-national issues within Africa like water rights or infrastructure, or regional trade agreements and, most crucially, peace and security within Africa, are all in the regional domain. The national domain is the one most commonly discussed-exchange rate policies, sound public finances, trade liberalization, privatization, the budget for education and health, a well functioning legal system, democratic governance and a free press are all examples of levers that operate essentially at the national level. Finally, the local level is sub-national, going right down to the community, the household and the individual. Household decisions such as sending girl children to school, choosing cash crops versus food crops, or community decisions such as how much labor to contribute to repairing culverts, or on how to manage common property resources such as fish ponds or wood lots, are examples of the issues that define the local domain.
 
Of course, like any classification, the Global-Regional-National-Local (GRNL) framework is not completely tight and well defined. Thus, for example, the regional domain includes strictly region-wide issues as well as issues which may be more properly classified as sub-regional-indeed, Africa has many sub-regional organizations such as ECOWAS or SADC. In the GRNL framework these are all subsumed under R. Similarly, as noted above, the local domain stretches from the nation, through sub-national entities, to local communities to households and individuals. There are overlaps as well. For example, while the operations of WTO can be classified under the global realm, if Africa were to take a unified stance on a negotiating position that would be a regional level decision but one with a global impact as well as an impact on the region. Similarly, local communities and organization do not operate independently of the national legal structure, so the L and N domains overlap and interact. These overlaps and interactions across the GRNL domains will have to be kept in mind, and indeed will be an interesting part of the analysis. But ultimately the framework's usefulness will have to be judged in terms of the insights it provides in structuring discourse on NEPAD and poverty.
 
The basic definitions and characterizations of poverty all fall in the local domain. This is not the place to review the huge and evolving literature on the conceptualization and measurement of poverty. The last quarter century has seen a progressive broadening of the characterization from low income to inadequate achievements in education, health and nutrition. Most recently, the additional conceptualization of poverty as vulnerability (to events outside the control of the individual or the community) and voicelessness (in the face of unresponsive local and national institutions) has also entered the discourse. But all of these focus on the individual, the household or the community. The moral weight of the concept of poverty comes from its direct link to human beings and their well-being, rather than the state of larger entities and statistical abstractions. The ultimate focus of policy in the global, regional and national domains must therefore always be its impact, directly or indirectly, on the poor at the local level.
 
The issue of direct and indirect impacts also cuts across the GRNL classification. Policies and forces at the global level can impact the poor directly, or indirectly through their consequences for the regional or national level. For example, an international breakthrough in developing a vaccine for malaria has the potential for a direct impact on the well being of the poor in Africa. But an international financial architecture which leads to a more stable global trade and payments system will work more indirectly, hopefully through stimulating economic growth at the regional and national levels. Similarly, cross-regional cooperation on river blindness has had major direct impact on the health of Africa's poor at the local level. Agreements that bring peace and security to war torn countries have a direct consequence for the poor. But they also have an indirect effect as the stability lays the basis for national economic growth. For those countries not mired in civil war, national level policy such as the sectoral composition of public expenditure-for example, whether it is targeted towards poor regions and poor households-is a key determinant of poverty impact. Macroeconomic and trade policy works more indirectly, by creating the environment for private investment and growth. At the same time, some macroeconomic and trade policies at the national level, while promoting growth and poverty reduction in the medium term, may have short-term adverse consequences for the poor.
 
As noted earlier, NEPAD's comparative advantage is that it is a regional institution speaking with an authority rooted in democratically elected governments. Its regional character locates it squarely in the R domain of our four-fold classification. It follows that its natural niche is in policies and interventions that apply in the regional domain, and those in other domains for which having a united African voice is particularly important. Examples that come to mind are (i) regional peace and security initiatives (R), (ii) regional level infrastructure or environmental investments (R), (iii) a united African position on international financial architecture, WTO and debt relief (G), (iv) pressing for global research on tropical diseases (G), (v) peer monitoring and pressure on governance and rule of law in African nations (N) and (vi) establishing and pushing for "best practice" standards in public expenditure management (N). However, while all of these examples make use of NEPAD's regional nature, only a few of them benefit particularly strongly from the second feature of NEPAD-its credibility as an initiative in which democratic governance is "one of the foundations." Of the examples given above, it can be argued that only (i) and (v) make particularly strong use of the democratic basis of NEPAD.
 
Moreover, each action with an impact in the R, G or N domain, which is where NEPAD's actions are likely to be most effective, has also to be assessed for its efficacy for poverty reduction-directly, and indirectly. Thus, for example, regional peace and security has a direct and immediate impact on the wellbeing of the poor since they are the ones most negatively affected by insecurity. It also has an indirect and medium term effect because security establishes the conditions for investment and growth. Relatedly, once basic peace and security is in place, the legal and police system, and governance more generally, has an immediate impact on the lives of the poor, as well as improving the climate for private sector investment for medium term growth. The same is true, in the G domain, of global investments in vaccine research, or international debt relief (although for both of these to work national level governance has to be appropriate). However, regional level infrastructure investments, while crucial from the medium term point of view, may only have minor effects on poverty in the short term. Similarly, improving the global climate for investment, important over the medium term for global growth and hence growth in Africa, may not pay immediate dividends for the poor.
 
The above illustrative discussion suggests three key questions that should be asked of any set of actions or program proposed under the NEPAD umbrella, as an aid to establishing priorities:
 
  1. Is the program particularly well suited to a regional organization, and are there not other regional organizations that are already doing it reasonably well?
  2. Is the program particularly well suited to a regional organization that is rooted in democratic values?
  3. Does the program combine both direct and indirect benefits to the poor?
 
Programs and actions which score high on these criteria should be prioritized. The next section illustrates the application of these criteria by considering individual actions discussed in the NEPAD document.

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